The tip of the iceberg

The ills that now afflict the Union are so profound that it needs to recreate a consensus around clear and inescapable objectives.

The European Union is suffering from the political fragility of its member states, the loss of momentum in its economies and the rise of the far right, which recently led Germany to tighten the control of its national borders.

This is not the end of free movement between the 25 EU member states and the 4 neighbouring countries bound by the Schengen agreements. Germany has not withdrawn from these agreements, which allow the reintroduction of temporary and, in this case, random controls, but how can we fail to see that the tiny crack that has appeared in this supporting wall of the Union could soon widen?

How can we fail to see that other countries could follow Germany’s example and that Poland already feels that Germany is drawing a new iron curtain and sending it back to the East as if it were no longer part of the Union? How can we fail to see that Chancellor Scholz’s decision last spring to limit the growth of his far-right parties did nothing to prevent them from making spectacular gains in the regional elections this September?

The situation in Germany has changed and all the far right in Europe are now congratulating themselves on the fact that a social democratic chancellor has helped entrench the idea that all immigration is a danger to be defied and that we should seal ourselves in to ensure our own security.

This is a great ideological success for the far right, and it adds to its electoral success at a time when, in Paris as in Berlin, the current crises are putting it on the verge of power. Without a parliamentary majority and deeply in debt, France is struggling to relearn the art of coalition and form a government that can last. Deprived of Russian gas, Germany sees its Chinese markets shrinking and the American umbrella closing up. Germany no longer knows where to turn or how to get back on its feet. Germany doubts itself as much as France, and the vital Franco-German engine has broken down at a time when Mario Draghi is urging the 27 member states and their union to get their act together as quickly as possible.

If we don’t want to lose out in international competition, his report tells them, we must cut our current spending and borrow massively together to invest jointly in research and the industries of the future. On pain of being relegated to the second division, he insisted, the 27 must turn the European Union into the political union that the far right rejects and that the traditional parties are afraid to initiate for fear of being rejected by the electorate.

Germany’s borders are just the tip of the iceberg.

The real problem, the tragedy of the European Union, is that neither the finances nor the political chessboards of its member states allow it to bring about the political change without which Europe risks being consigned to history. Even though Trump, Covid and Putin have broken the taboos on common defence, industrial policy and even joint loans, the European Union is unable to capitalise on it because it lacks leaders and political forces up to the task.

This is of course worrying, but does it mean that all is lost, that we are already condemned to become vassals of the United States or China?

Many people think so. In their hearts, many have already given up, but all we need to do is to set ourselves a few major common objectives to turn things around, and let success breed success. Despite their difficulties, our states could now set about building pan-European defence industries, creating European centres of excellence and simplifying our industrial and agricultural standards. No one could argue with these objectives, which would give a huge boost to investment, research and the affirmation of our unity. What we need to do today is to be clear, consensual and necessary – to act rather than talk.

(Photo credit: Leonhard Lenz, WikiMedia Commons)

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The tip of the iceberg

The ills that now afflict the Union are so profound that it needs to recreate a consensus around clear and inescapable objectives.

The European Union is suffering from the political fragility of its member states, the loss of momentum in its economies and the rise of the far right, which recently led Germany to tighten the control of its national borders.

This is not the end of free movement between the 25 EU member states and the 4 neighbouring countries bound by the Schengen agreements. Germany has not withdrawn from these agreements, which allow the reintroduction of temporary and, in this case, random controls, but how can we fail to see that the tiny crack that has appeared in this supporting wall of the Union could soon widen?

How can we fail to see that other countries could follow Germany’s example and that Poland already feels that Germany is drawing a new iron curtain and sending it back to the East as if it were no longer part of the Union? How can we fail to see that Chancellor Scholz’s decision last spring to limit the growth of his far-right parties did nothing to prevent them from making spectacular gains in the regional elections this September?

The situation in Germany has changed and all the far right in Europe are now congratulating themselves on the fact that a social democratic chancellor has helped entrench the idea that all immigration is a danger to be defied and that we should seal ourselves in to ensure our own security.

This is a great ideological success for the far right, and it adds to its electoral success at a time when, in Paris as in Berlin, the current crises are putting it on the verge of power. Without a parliamentary majority and deeply in debt, France is struggling to relearn the art of coalition and form a government that can last. Deprived of Russian gas, Germany sees its Chinese markets shrinking and the American umbrella closing up. Germany no longer knows where to turn or how to get back on its feet. Germany doubts itself as much as France, and the vital Franco-German engine has broken down at a time when Mario Draghi is urging the 27 member states and their union to get their act together as quickly as possible.

If we don’t want to lose out in international competition, his report tells them, we must cut our current spending and borrow massively together to invest jointly in research and the industries of the future. On pain of being relegated to the second division, he insisted, the 27 must turn the European Union into the political union that the far right rejects and that the traditional parties are afraid to initiate for fear of being rejected by the electorate.

Germany’s borders are just the tip of the iceberg.

The real problem, the tragedy of the European Union, is that neither the finances nor the political chessboards of its member states allow it to bring about the political change without which Europe risks being consigned to history. Even though Trump, Covid and Putin have broken the taboos on common defence, industrial policy and even joint loans, the European Union is unable to capitalise on it because it lacks leaders and political forces up to the task.

This is of course worrying, but does it mean that all is lost, that we are already condemned to become vassals of the United States or China?

Many people think so. In their hearts, many have already given up, but all we need to do is to set ourselves a few major common objectives to turn things around, and let success breed success. Despite their difficulties, our states could now set about building pan-European defence industries, creating European centres of excellence and simplifying our industrial and agricultural standards. No one could argue with these objectives, which would give a huge boost to investment, research and the affirmation of our unity. What we need to do today is to be clear, consensual and necessary – to act rather than talk.

(Photo credit: Leonhard Lenz, WikiMedia Commons)

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Français Română Русский

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